It-clefts and stressed operators in the preverbal field of Cypriot Greek

Abstract

The paper examines two structures in the clausal left periphery of Cypriot Greek, i.e. preverbal stressed constituents and it-clefts. The aim of the paper is two-fold: firstly, to identify the position(s) and properties of preverbal stressed constituents

and, secondly, to investigate the structure of it-clefts. Cypriot Greek distinguishes two scope positions in its surface syntax, i.e. the Topic position and the Force position. Preverbal stressed universal quantifiers, also-phrases and even-phrases appear in the Topic position, along with other topics. All the other preverbal stressed constituents, i.e. wh-phrases, existential quantifiers, negative quantifiers, negative polarity items, only-phrases and anaphoric/deictic proforms appear in the Force position, together with preverbal unstressed existential quantifiers. The Force position is identified with the [Spec,CP] position. It is argued that one of the possible specifications of sentential force on C is [Emphasis] and that [Spec,CP] stressed constituents, in complementary distribution with stressed V-in-C and stressed Neg-in-C, check an [Emphasis] specification on C. Concerning it-clefts, it is argued that the cleft clause denotes an incomplete proposition, which is saturated by the clefted constituent. The clefted constituent is base-generated adjoined to the cleft clause CP. This higher CP consisting of the clefted constituent adjoined to the lower CP is selected by a thematically null copula. The clefted constituent is interpreted as new information because it is filled in last in the semantic structure.