Demonstrative doubling in Modern Greek

Abstract

Across languages a great deal of variation can be found in the nominal system regarding ordering relations among nouns, adjectives, determiners, and so on. Focusing on the Greek DP, this paper examines the different positions demonstratives can occupy. The proposal applies the Anti-Locality Hypothesis to the nominal domain, where apparent articles "doubling" the demonstrative are analyzed as the spelled out copy of an otherwise illicitly moved demonstrative. This analysis will be shown to extend to a potentially large variety of languages, with the bold claim that all such doubling structures are only surface-apparent.